Introducing Stephen May’s Immortal Miniatures


Immortal miniatures ( is a relatively new company producing 28mm high metal figures intended for Wargaming and/or collecting.

What is interesting is Stephen May’s research into ancient Persia and his interest in preserving Iran’s ancient sites. The petition below for example is posted on his website:

Sign the petition to save the archeological sites of Pasargad

May founded Immortal Miniatures due to his interest in the history of the Near East, especially Persia and his love of sculpting small scale figures; May has also noted this objective is to do his part in correcting many of the misunderstandings about the Achaemenid Persian empire within the wargaming community.

Achaemenid Archers (Courtesy Stephen May)

Achaemenid Light Cavalry (Courtesy Stephen May)

Achaemenid troops (Courtesy Stephen May)

Also on May’s site are the beginnings of his Greek, Assyrian and Babylonian ranges.

As noted by May:

Researching the armies of Ancient Persia has been challenging, I would like to give my thanks to Kaveh Farrokh and all of the advice he has given me.

For more information about Stephen May’s miniatures please visit:

Mams Taylor Video and the Women of Persia


There is a new video which is an artistic tribute to Neda Aghasolatan who died on June 20, 2009 during the demonstrations in Tehran. The video is entitled:  “United for Neda“. 

Mams Taylor produced and wrote this song after seeing the video footage of the young demonstrator shot and killed during the Tehran demonstrations in June 2009. Mams Taylor’s   United For Neda Tylor brought together Irans most elite entertainers, poets, thinkers, actors and singers in one harmonious voice pleading for freedom and human rights The song features three of Irans most iconic singers Sattar, Dariush and Morteza. 

In tribute to the historical role of the women of Persia, below is another article on the women of ancient Iran by Massoume Price. Below is the text of that article by Massoume Price:


Any analysis of women’s lives and status in ancient times is a very complicated task and needs time and space. This very brief article intends to provide much needed basic information based on archaeological evidence and will primarily deal with women in Achaemenid times. The material is based on Fortification and Treasury texts discovered at Persepolis (509-438 BC) and documents recovered at Susa Babylonia and other major Mesopotamian cities of the period. These texts provide us with a unique insight into the social and economic situation of both the royal and non-royal women at the time. In the texts individual women are identified, payments of rations and wages for male and female workers are documented and sealed orders by the royal women themselves or their agents gives us valuable information on how these powerful women managed their wealth.

A reconstruction of a female Achaemenid cavalry unit by Shapur Suren-Pahlav.

The documents clearly indicate distinctions of status between different members of the royal household. The titles used by the royal women are determined by the relationship between these women and the king. For example the King’s mother had the highest rank and seems to be the head of the female members of the household. The next was the Queen (mother of the crown prince or the principal wife) followed by the kings’ daughters and sisters. They all had titles with recognized authority at the court, and had their own administration for managing their considerable wealth. Funerary customs and inscriptions commemorating the death of royal women also reflect the official recognition of these women, particularly the king’s mother and wife. The king was the ultimate source of authority and the royal women acted within a clearly defined spectrum of norms and standards set by the king. However within the spectrum they enjoyed economic independence, were involved in the administration of economic affairs, traveled and controlled their wealth and position by being active resolute and enterprising.

The non-royals and the ordinary workers are mentioned by their rank in the specific work group or workshops they were employed. The rations they received are based on skill and the level of responsibility they assumed in the workplace. The professions are divided by gender and listed according to the amount of ration. Records indicate that some professions were undertaken by both sexes while others were restricted to either male or female workers. There are male and female supervisors at the mixed workshops as evident by the higher rations they have received with little difference in the amount of rations between the two sexes. There are also occasions where women listed in the same category as men received less rations and vice versa. Female managers have different titles presumably reflecting their level of skill and rank. The highest-ranking female workers in the texts are called arashshara (great chief). They appear repeatedly in the texts, were employed at different locations and managed large groups of women children and sometimes men working in their units. They usually receive high rations of wine and grains exceeding all the other workers in the unit including the males.

New mothers and pregnant women received higher rations and sons were clearly preferred over daughters. If they delivered boys both the mother and the nurse or the physician received higher rations. The extra payments were given out for one month only. Consistently mothers of boys received twice the amount compared to mothers of baby girls. There is no evidence of infanticide for girls as the number of births of male children only slightly exceeds the number of girls born. The most striking evidence of workers in the texts is for Irdabama. Her workforce appears at several locations. The range of her personnel extends from smaller units to groups of several hundred workers of both sexes adults and children alike. She owned property and had her own private seal. The fact that she had her own seal indicates that she might have been related to the royal family. However she is not referred to as a royal and does not belong to the royal household. She controlled her workforce directly and the number of officials working for her emphasizes her independent economic status. Other prominent female managers are also mentioned with relatively large workforces at several locations. The texts demonstrate that these work units headed by female managers were found throughout the regions covered by the archives. It is also clear that ration scales varied according to the qualifications of laborers in the same profession and that within this differentiated scheme male and female workers received equal rations. However in cases where the labor is not specialized it appears that men received more rations compared to women. In the records numbers of male and female workers are well balanced a clear indication of women’s active and healthy participation in the economic life of the period.

The texts dealing with the royal and aristocratic women provide a remarkable picture of the lives of the people and the workings of the ancient Empire. These documents clearly identify royal women but also give us a glimpse into the lives of others involved in the royal circle. We learn about Artim the nanny for a royal daughter receiving rent for a property she owns. The tax paid by Madamis another female employee in the royal court indicates that the land ownership by women was not exclusive to the royal women and must have been a lot more widespread than anticipated. Such information indicates a level of independence and recognition of women as legal entities that could own sell or lease their properties.

The documents recognize the biological descent of the royal offspring and the significance of the natural mother. Cambyses and Bardiya are described as descendants of the same father and the same mother. This implies that there were other children not born from the same mother. Full and half brothers and sisters are mentioned plus other women of the king who held a status other than the king’s wife. There is also a remarkable extension of parental terms where non-related people were called sons or daughters and the elderly were referred to as father or mother expressing respect and affection.

The Persepolis tablets reveal three different terms of reference for women, mutu, irti and duksis. The first one is always applied to ordinary women while the other two were used for royal women. In one document Artazostre, a daughter of king Darius is referred to as Mardunuya iriti sunki parki meaning ‘the wife of Mardonius, daughter of the king’. Such use of terminology shows the significance of the women’s marital status and her relationship to the king. The royal women are also named individually in many documents. Artystone wife of Darius I; is mentioned frequently in the documents along with Parysatis the wife of Darius II. Both are mentioned in many Neo-Babylonian documents as major landowners in Persia Media Babylonia and Syria. They leased their estates to fief-holders whose rents were collected by their bailiffs and other agents. Artystone had three estates and so far 38 letters with her personal seal have been identified. The letters confirm a massive workforce based at each estate with storage facilities for grain and other produce. A steward who received direct orders from the queen administered each estate. In some instances the king and the queen use the same officials and at occasions they have their own agents.

Fortification texts reveal that royal women traveled extensively visited their estates and administered their wealth individually and at times with help from their husbands. Travel rations identify their travel partners, guards servants cooks etc. Both the queens are mentioned traveling to Babylonia overseeing tax payments and rental collections. We read about a ” judge belonging to the house of Parysatis”. Persians had their own judicial system in the conquered territories and presumably the queen had her own judge looking after her affairs. She owned many villages in Babylonia, the residents were free subjects and did not belong to the queen as slaves, but they had to pay taxes in form of wine agricultural products, livestock etc. Lavish parties were given by female royals, huge amounts of wine meat and other food products are ordered for special occasions with or without the king’s sealed orders. They participated in royal festivities and banquets in addition to organizing their own feasts. For instance in one document Darius himself orders delivery of wine to his wife Irtahduna, while in other documents the ladies themselves order wine and grain for their quarters.

Families were patriarchal, polygamy and concubines existed; marriage with close relatives even brothers and sisters was practiced. Such marriages normally occur when matrilineal inheritance is an issue. In such systems daughters receive a large inheritance and since dowries should also be paid one practical solution for keeping the wealth in the family is to marry close relatives. So far we know nothing about the inheritance system in Achaemenid times. Therefore it is not possible to make any conclusion as how family members inherited or why they practiced such marriages. We do know that the king’s mother, wife and daughters owned large properties but whether they acquired their property through inheritance or other means is not clear. The same family and marriage patterns are found amongst the nobles and wealthy citizens throughout the empire. With respect to royal concubines they existed and are normally referred to as ‘women of the king’. They had personal attendants and were not exclusive to the kings. They are found in the palaces of the satraps and Persian nobles. There is not enough information about their status to make concrete conclusions. Some would have been captives and from foreign origins. They are found together with the other women in the king’s or the noble’s entourage. They were present in the banquets and on royal hunts. The kings and the nobles would normally marry into the Persian royalty and aristocracy so it is very unlikely that they were ever married and gained the status of a wife in such households. There are scattered references to individual concubines favored by certain kings but such evidence is scant and not substantiated.

Mixed marriages amongst Persian and non-Persians also existed but. The royal children were often used in marriages to create alliances between different groups and even nations. Darius married off her daughters to military leaders throughout the empire. He himself married the daughters of nobles Gorbryas, Otanes, his own niece and daughters of the Cyrus II, Cambyses II and Bardiya. Darius’s marriages are very unusual. Matrilineal descent might have been important at this time and his reason for marrying all the royal women of the previous kings might have been an attempt to eliminate any contestants to the throne. In his inscriptions Darius claims descent from the house of Achaemenid, however the historical evidence does not support such a claim and marriages in this manner would have safeguarded his claim to the throne if indeed he did not belong to the Cyrus’s lineage.

We know divorce existed but have no information on details. Amestris a niece of Darius is mentioned several times in the texts. She was married to a man called Craterus but was soon abandoned by him and after her divorce was remarried to Dionysius, a local ruler. They produced three children and after her husbands’ death in 306 BC she acted as regent. She reigned as queen for a while but was finally murdered by her sons. We do not have much information about the marriage ceremonies. The only direct account is Alexander’s wedding at Susa with the Iranian princess Stateira a daughter of the defeated king Darius III. As reported by the Greek historians the wedding was carried out in Persian tradition. “The bride entered the room and sat beside the bridegroom. He took her hands and kissed them. The two ate from the same loaf of bread sliced in two parts by a sword and drank some wine. After the ceremony her husband took the bride home”.

Contemporary sources in Babylonia and other territories under Achaemenid shed some light on the legal side of the marriage alliances of ordinary couples. We have no evidence that the practices described in these documents would be identical to those in Persia however similarities existed and the information is revealing. Forty-five such marriage contracts are discovered in Babylonia. The contracts are always between the husband and members of the bride’s family. They begin with the husband’s pledge to be given the woman in marriage and gifts to be presented to the bride and her family. If the husband decides to take a second wife he is to give the first wife a specified sum of money, and she may return to her home. The women’s dowry could include land, household equipment, jewelry, money and slaves. In the case of wife’s adultery the punishment is normally death. The contracts were sealed in front of several witnesses who were also named in the agreements.

Other documents in Babylonia (also Elam and Egypt) show that women owned properties, which they could sell or lease. After the death of her husband, the widowed wife inherited from the deceased even if she did not have children. A woman could not act as a witness in the drawing up of contracts, but she could act as a contracting party and have her own seal. If there were children from two wives, the children of the first wife inherited two thirds and the others one third only. It is not clear what would be the case if a man had more than two wives. If a woman died childless, the dowry was returned to the house of her father. There were attempts by Darius to codify the legal system but no standard set of laws is discovered. The conquered territories used their own legal system with little interference from the central administration. For example Jewish colonies in Elephantine in Egypt followed their own legal code. Husbands remained monogamous and all property and family matters were settled in the special courts of the Jews. Of all the territories under Achaemenid administration Egyptian women enjoyed more rights and privileges. The family was basically monogamous but under certain conditions husbands could marry other wives and were permitted sexual intercourse with slaves and household servants (common practice in the region). A husband did not have the right to pawn her wife as security for debts. This practice existed in various forms in Babylonia and even Sassanian Persia. Wives retained their own property in marriage and after divorce. They also had the right to transfer their property to their children as inheritance and could initiate divorce. If the husband initiated divorce he had to apportion a part of the property to his wife. If the woman asked for a divorce she had to return the money she had received from her husband as bride price and could not lay claim upon property acquired jointly with the husband. Sons and daughters inherited equal portions. However fathers’ power over children was substantial and he could pawn them as security for debt.

To what extent Persian family and marriage contracts resembled above examples is hard to say without concrete evidence. But there would have been similarities since Achaemenid extensively utilized Neo-Babylonian and Egyptian codes of conduct and legal systems as part of their imperial policy. One major difference that existed between the Persian women and others in the empire is with respect to the participation in religious cults. Egyptians and Babylonians had many goddesses and temples designated to female deities. Women including royals served and participated actively in running of these temples and ritual ceremonies. Neither the Fortification texts nor the Greek evidence suggest that Achaemenid royal women played any part in religious ceremonies. There is no reference to other women being involved either. We do know that the Kings before assuming their throne and going to major wars were ritually blessed at the temple of Anahita a significant female deity. However there is no evidence to demonstrate that females including royals participated at such rituals. Strict purity laws might have restricted women’s access to such involvement but in the absence of historical records no conclusion can be made.

With respect to veiling and seclusion of Persian women as suggested by the Greek sources Fortification texts do not shed any light on the subject. Veiling has a long history in ancient Mesopotamia and Mediterranean cultures. In the first known reference to veiling, an Assyrian legal text of the thirteenth century B.C., it is restricted to respectable women and prohibited for the prostitutes and lower class women. There are no depiction of women in Persepolis itself, however there are many seals, statues and figurines that indicate there were no restrictions on the depiction of Persian women. In some of these, women are pictured fully clothed with partial veils in others, they are dressed even crowned but no veil. The aristocratic and royal women very likely used veil in public as a sign of their higher status. But veiling as an institution to subjugate, control and exclude women from public domain originated after the Islamic conquest.

In summary the evidence of the Fortification and Treasury texts provide us with a unique insight into the social and economic situation of Persian women, royal and non-royal, as well as female workers. These women owned property, were involved in managing their assets. Participated in economic activities of the estate and other economic units. They had employment opportunities earned wages and as a result were able to be economically independent. Patriarchal system prevailed and husbands and other males had far more rights and privileges than their wives or children. Nevertheless such evidence clearly indicates that women in ancient Iran were not an undifferentiated mass leading a secluded life behind high walls without any function and purpose other than child rearing. A situation that sadly became their destiny for many centuries after the collapse of The Sasanian Empire.


The Persian Lioness: Iranian Women in History

Historians and archaeologists are entrusted with the task of examining and narrating the past.

This article aims to highlight the importance, leadership and deeply rooted courage of Iranian women throughout the history of Iran since ancient times. The women of Iran have been participants and engines of civil and political change throughout Iran’s ancient history. Below are a few examples that highlight the role tghat Iranian women have played in the history of Iran.

The ancient Burnt City (3000 BC): The Status  of Women.

Archaeological evidence at the Burnt city near Zabol (in the province of Sistan-Baluchistan in southeast Iran) dated to 2000-3000 BC has revealed dramatic proof of the status and power enjoyed by the women of ancient Persia.

Although much of western scholarship has been primarily focused on investigating the rise of urban civilizations in ancient Mesopotamia, it is now acknowledged that the Iranian plateau has had an ancient urban tradition of its own.

The Burnt City (which encompasses 300,000 hectares) was a thriving and highly developed metropolis and host to four distinct civilizations. The site has yielded remarkable finds with respect to pottery and jewellery. In November 2004, archaeologists discovered the world’s most ancient backgammon game set (alongside its 60 related game pieces, dice, etc). Other discoveries at the site include the most ancient artificial eyeball, caraway seed and animated picture or “film”.

A report on the Burnt City was provided by the Cultural Heritage News (CHN) Agency of Iran by late December 2004.

One of the most interesting finds was the discovery of a large number of seals in the graves of women. Seals in antiquity were often symbols of power and authority. The Burnt City seals are of two kinds: governmental and personal.

An ancient seal from the Burnt City.

Mansour Sajjadi the Iranian archeologist supervising the Burnt City excavations, reported to CHN that:

In the ancient world, there were tools used as a means of economic control. Whoever had these tools at his disposal was among the most powerful people in the society…

Another remarkable series of discoveries at the cemetery of the Burnt City by the Sajjadi team was that 90% of the graves in which the seals were discovered belonged to women. Conversely, only a miniscule 5% of the seals belonged to men. Sajjadi further avers that:

Since we know that seals were buried with their owners 5000 years ago, it is reasonable to think the most important seals for the economic activities in the burnt city belonged to women. As the men worked as farmers and craftsmen away from the city, they reasonably had to give the seals to women who were always in the city, so that they were able to solve the problems of the city immediately.”

More recent discoveries at the site indicate that the women of the Burnt City lived longer than the men. This was reported on June 22, 2009 by Iran’s PressTV News Service. The leader of these particular excavations at the Burnt City was Farzad Forouzanfar.

Forouzanfar has noted that men only lived to the age ranges of 35-45, while women survived as late as their 80s. His team also found that the number of inhabitants at the site stood at 6,000, revising the previously estimated number of 5000.

Noting that the area saw a number of population drops over time, Forouzanfar also stated that:

 “…the number of the female inhabitants of the area was more than the males… The team also found that the remains of nearly 30,000 burials exist in Burnt City“.

Ancient Iranian women at War: The “Amazons” and the Achaemenids (5th century BC – 333 BC).

One of the areas that have received the least amount of attention by scholarship is the role women warriors of ancient Persia.  The role of ancient Iranian female warriors can be traced back at least 2000 years, to the time of the Parthians (250 BC – 224 AD).

A Reuters newscast from Tehran in December 4, 2004 reported on the findings of an archaeologist who had been engaged in excavations near Tabriz, in Iran’s northwest province of Azarbaijan. A series of DNA tests revealed that the 2,000 year old bones of an entombed warrior and accompanying sword belonged to a woman.  As noted by Alireza Hojabri-Nobari to the Iran-based Hambastegi Newspaper:

Despite earlier comments that the warrior was a man because of the metal sword, DNA tests showed the skeleton inside the tomb belonged to a female warrior…”

According to Nobari, there were 109 such warrior tombs, and plans were in place to conduct DNA tests on the skeletons of the other ancient warriors of those sites as well.

The women warriors, known as “Amazons” by the ancient Greeks, were typical of such fighters who prevailed in Iran’s north (modern Gilan, Mazandaran, Gorgan) and northwest (modern Azarbaijan in Iran) as early as the 5th century BC or earlier. There have been numerous finds in the gravesites of ancient North-Iranic warriors known as the Scythians (Saka in Iranian) and their Sarmatian (or Ard-Alan) successors.


A reconstruction by Cernenko and Gorelik of the north-Iranian Saka or Scythians in battle (Cernenko & Gorelik, 1989, Plate F). The ancient Iranians (those in ancient Persia and the ones in ancient Eastern Europe) often had women warriors and chieftains, a practice not unlike those of the contemporary ancient Celts in ancient Central and Western Europe.

As noted by Mallory (1989, pp. 48-56, 78) these ancient north Iranian peoples were predominant in much of what is now known as the Ukraine, the northern Black Sea region in general and parts of Bulgaria and Rumania at the time of the Achaemenids.


An ancient Greek vase depicting an Amazon female warrior (mounted on horse at left). Note the ancient Iranian dress, such as Medo-Persian style trousers, tunic, footwear, etc. The Greek warrior to the right appears with weapons and shields but no attire.

The burial mounds of the ancient Scythians/Saka known as “Kurgans” have often yielded the remains of women warriors who were buried alongside their swords. These Kurgan mounds have been discovered in various forms from the southern Ukraine all the way into the Caucasus and Iran (to the north and northwest).

By the time of the Achaemenids, women were also seen in positions of military leadership in the imperial armies of ancient Persia.


A reconstruction Artemesia of Halicarnassius (now in modern western Turkey) one of Xerxes’ most capable admirals during the failed invasions of Greece in 480 BC. The daring naval exploits of Artemesia reputedly led Xerxes to state that “…my men have become women and my women have become men”. Artemesia was also one of Xerxes’ chief military advisors.


A reconstruction of a female Achaemenid cavalry unit by Shapur Suren-Pahlav. Many of the tribal elements in Iran, such as the Kurds and Lurs have been reported as fighting from horseback as late as the early twentieth century.


Iranian women in the Sassanian Era (224-651 AD)

Roman historical sources have reported on the exploits of the women warriors of the Sassanian Empire (224-651 AD). Zonaras (XII, 23, 595, 7-596, 9) states in reference to the forces of Shapur I that:

 “…in the Persian army…there are said to have been found women also, dressed and armed like men…”



Emperor Valerian (r. 253-260 AD) (kneeling) and a Roman Senator (with Roman Toga at right) surrender to the army of Shapur in 260 AD.  The Emperor and the Senator are escorted by an Iranian female warrior (left) and an officer of the Suren clan (with beaked red hat). Iranian women are reported by Roman sources as having fought alongside the ranks of the Sassanian cavalry (Farrokh, 2005, Plate A).



A priestess from the Temple of Anahita bestows the “”Farr” or divine glory upon Bahram Chobin after his spectacular victories against the Huns in the late 580s AD. Women play a crucial role in ancient Iranian theology and Zoroastrianism. (Farrokh, 2005, Plate E).



Princess Shireen (who was Christian) beside her husband and monarch, Khosrow II Parveez. Though Zoroastrian, Khosrow respected the Christian faith of his wife Shireen. In addition to Zoroastrians, Sassanian Persia had a large Christian as well as Buddhist population (Farrokh, 2005, Plate F).



Princess Boran (lit. beautiful woman) at the site of Shiz in Azarbaijan. Boran was one of the last rulers of Sassanian Persia before the Arabo-Islamic invasions of 637-651 AD (Farrokh, 2005, Plate G).

As the Sassanian Empire collapsed to the invading forces of Islam from Arabia, a number of female resistance fighters rose to prominence, examples being Apranik (the daughter of General Piran), Negan, and Azadeh (who did much to prevent the invaders from entering northern Persia). As noted by Overlaet

Daylaman [in modern northern Iran] remained unconquered…until at least the 8th century AD…early Daylamite rulers even exhibited extreme anti-Arab attitudes and sought the restoration of the Persian Empire and the of the ancient religions” (1998, p.268).


Girl from Chelsio region in Manzadaran. Many of the resistance fighters in the 600s and 700s AD from Northern Persia were women.

The exploits of Persia’s female warriors are recalled in the post-Islamic Shahnama epic of Ferdowsi. One sample quote states of the female warrior Gordafarid that:

“…as she was turning in her saddle, drew a sharp blade from her waist, Struck at his lance, and parted it in two.”


A Persian depiction of Gordafarid (at left) clashing with Sohrab.

The Post-Islamic Era

The last great revolt against the Abbasid Caliphate (816-837 AD) was led by Babak Khorramdin (798-838 AD) who from his base in Iranian Azarbaijan led a powerful resistance movement from 816-837 AD. This was the last great Iranian revolts which sought to re-establish the ancient Zoroastrian and other related ancient Iranian cults such as Mazdakism.

The Abbasid Caliphs had murdered Abu-Muslim of Khorasan (700-755 AD), despite the assistance he had afforded them against the Ummayad Caliphate (661-750 AD). This was due to the increasing popularity of Abu-Muslim of Khorasan among the Iranians.

The Caliphate was concerned with the possibility of an Iranian revival towards independence. The death of Abu-Muslim of Khorasan also made clear to the Iranian populace that their hopes for greater autonomy within the Caliphate were dashed. It was under these general circumstances that a major rebellion was to break out towards the northwest of Iran in Azarbaijan.

What is notable is the role of Banu, the wife of Babak Khorramdin during the revolt. Banu, alongside her husband Babak, led the 23 year rebellion against the Abbasid Caliphate from their base in Azarbaijan. Despite the eventual defeat of the movement by 837 AD, the memory of the Khorramdin uprising was to become etched in Iranian culture and folklore.

 The Castle of Babak in the Kalaybar region in Iran’s Azarbaijan province. Every year people from Azarbaijan and all across Iran come to this fortress to commemorate the exploits of Babak and Banu.   


The governess of Rayy (near modern Tehran) in a post-Islamic textile dated probably to the Dailamite dynasty (10th century AD) of northern Persia. The attire of the governess would not have been unlike that worn by Banu Khorramdin. 

The Lurs, a west-Iranic people with strong links to the aforementioned Scythians of antiquity, have witnessed their womenfolk in active combat till recent times.  The Zand Dynasty (1750-1794) from the Luristan region in Western Iran, often featured women in combat.

The founder of the Zand dynasty, Karim Khan Zand (1705-1779) and his warriors were often accompanied by their wives into battle. Lur female sharpshooters were instrumental in the rout and defeat of the invading Pathan tribes from Afghanistan in the 18th century. As noted by Izady:

“…The Afghan officers ridiculed the Zands for this, accusing them of hiding behind their women’s skirts” (Izady, 1992, pp.194).


Woman from Luristan dismounted from her horse. Traditional Lur women often engage in numerous equestrian activities and have been famed for their skills in sharp shooting from horseback (Photograph by Nosratollah Kasraian, 1990, Plate 117)


The Constitutional Movement (1906-1911)

One example of the importance of women in the political and social evolution of Iran can be seen during the constitutional revolution of Iran (1906-1911). The Iranian Constitutional Movement was the first of its kind in advocating human rights, equality and democracy in Western Asia. The aim of the Iranian Constitutionalists was to limit the absolute powers of the Qajar Shahs in favour of a democratically elected parliament.


Constitutionalist nationalists fight under the Iranian flag in Tabriz in the early twentieth century. Iranian women fought valiantly alongside the men in their battle against the Qajar Royalists and their Czarist Russian allies.

The constitutionalist movement was brutally suppressed, an action which roused the anger of British Professor Edward Browne (1862-1926) who accused the British parliament at the time of tacitly approving Russian actions against western Asia’s first democratic movement. Russian Czarist forces and their allies bombed the Iranian parliament housing the democratic-minded representatives of the people of Iran.


Crushing Iranian Democracy by force: Czarist Russian Cossacks pose with their sabres drawn, in front of executed Iranian Constitutionalists. The Russian officer Colonel Vladimir Liakhov (1869-1919) holds the distinction of having bombarded the Majlis (Iranian parliament) in Tehran on June 23rd 1908.

During these epic moments in Iranian history, Iranian women were at the forefront of encouraging the constitutionalists to fight back against the Czarist Russians and their allies who were advancing towards Tehran. Morgan Shuster (1877-1960) who had been appointed by the Constitutional government to organize Iran’s finances (May-December 1911), has written about the crucial role played by the women of Iran. Below are some quotes made by Shuster (1912, pp.183-189):

“…the Persian women played the crowning act of the noble and patriotic part…the Persian women since 1907 had become almost at a bound the most progressive…in the world. That this statement upsets the ideas of centuries makes no difference. It is the fact…the women did much to keep the spirit of liberty alive…overnight became teachers, newspaper writers, founders of women’s clubs, and speakers of political subjects…”


William Morgan Shuster (1877-1962) wrote about the exploits of Iranian women and their importance in ensuring that the ideals of the Constitutional Movement remained alive in Iran.

Despite the application of brute force, the ideals of the Constitutional Movement were never to be forgotten, thanks in large part to the women who had played a crucial (but as yet unappreciated) role in those events. Then as now, women have always been at the forefront in the promotion of human rights in Iran.

This short essay has endeavoured to expostulate upon the critical role that the women of Iran have played as engines of social and political change from antiquity to the present day.


The Persian Lioness as depicted by Dr. Musi Dorbayani. Iranians often refer to their women as “Shir-Zan” or Lioness in reference to their role in history and as champions of Human Rights.

Further Readings:

Cernenko, E. V. & Gorelik, M.V. (1989). The Scythians 700-300 BC. London: Osprey Publishing.

Chaqueri, C. (2001). Origins of Social Democracy in Iran. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Farrokh, K. (2005). Elite Sassanian Cavalry. Oxford: Osprey Publishing.

Farrokh, K. (2007). Shadows in the Desert: Ancient Persia at War. Oxford: Osprey Publishing.

Izady, M. (1992). The Kurds: A Concise History and Fact Book. Taylor & Francis.

Kasraian, N. (1990). Our Homeland Iran. Tehran: Sekke Press.

Mallory, J.P. (1989). In Search of the Indo-Europeans: Language, Archaeology and Myth. London: Thames & Hudson.

Nafisi, S. (1955). Babak Khorramdin Delavar-e Azarbaijan [Babak Khorramdin, the courageous one/Brave one of Azarbaijan]. Tehran: Tabesh.

Overlaet, Bruno (1998). Regalia of the Ruling Classes in Late Sassanian Times: The Riggisberg Strap Mountings, Swords and Archer’s Fingercaps. In Riggisberger Berichte – Entlang der Seidenstrasse – Abegg-Stiftung, Riggisberg, pp.267-297.

Shamim, A.A. (1995). Iran dar Dorrey-e Saltanat-e Qajar (Chapp-e Sheshom) [Iran during the Qajar Monarchy Era (6th edition)]. Tehran: Moddaber.

Shuster, M. (1912). The Strangling of Persia. London: Adelphi Terrace.

The Great Wall of Gorgan

The Great Wall of China is well known as the largest wall in Asia (or indeed the world). Less known is the Wall of Gorgan in northeastern Iran (specifically the plain of Gorgan) attributed to the Sassanian era (224-651 AD). The structure is yet another testament to Sassanian engineering capabilities.

According to the Science Daily News (February 26, 2008) the Wall of Gorgan is::

“…more than 1000 years older than the Great Wall of China, and longer than Hadrian’s Wall and the Antonine Wall put together.”

The Science Daily report is significant as it was generally believed that the Gorgan Wall and Wall of China had been been built around the time of the Parthian dynasty. The Parhtian origin hypothesis had been postulated by Dr. Kiani in 1917 (see further below).

The Great Wall of Gorgan is the world’s largest defense wall, second only to the famed Wall of China. The Gorgan Wall measures approximately at a length of 155 kilometers and spans a range of 6-10 meters in width. The Gorgan Wall begins from the coast of the Caspian Sea, meandering to the north of Gonbade Kâvous. The Gorgan Wall stretches  to the northwest and terminates to the rear of mountains of Piškamar.

An Iranian map of the Gorgan wall. The works of Dr. Kiani in 1971 were invaluable in helping lay the basis of mapping the structure. The Gorgan Wall is second only to the Great Wall of China in length.

Before examing the Gorgan Wall, we briefly examine the territory, etymyology and settlements of the ancient Iranian province of Gorgan.

The Territory, Terminology and ancient Cities of Gorgan

The Gorgân Wall is known by numerous names. Some of these include the Dam of Anushirvan, the Dam of Alexander, the Dam of Firuz and Qizil Yilan.

The inhabitants of this region are generally believed to have been the ancient Hyrcanians. Gorgan itself is one of Iran’s most ancient regions and is situated just to the Caspian Sea’s southeast. Gorgan has been a part of the Median, Achaemenid (559-333 BC), Seleucid, Parthian (247 BC-224 AD) and Sassanian empires in the pre-Islamic era. The term Gorgan is derived from Old Iranian VARKANA (lit. The Land of the Wolf). Interesitngly the term Gorgan linguistically corresponds to modern Persian’s “Gorg-an” or “The Wolves”.

The capital of ancient Gorgan was known as Zadrakarta, which later became Astarabad. This city can be traced back to at least the Achaemenid era. Another historical city of importance was ancient Jorjan.

An aerial map of ancient Jorjan or Gorgan by Dr. Kiani.

The Gorgan Wall and the Savaran

The first serious expedition to the site occurred in 1971 by an archaeological team led by Dr. Kiani. The second thorough analysis of the structure was made by an archaeological survey team in the 1990s. This was part of the activieities related to the development of the Golestân Dam. The most recent expedition occurred in early 2008 by an international archaeological team composed of specialists from Iran and England (the Universities of Edinburgh and Durham).

An excavation team at the Gorgan Wall. The most recent expeditions have been conducted by an Iranian-British team in late 2007-early 2008.

The Sassanian dynastry continued to construct, improve and fortify the site. What was unique in the Partho-Sassanian system was the construction of castles along the wall at predetermined distances. The shortest distance between the castles was 10 kilometers with the longest being 50 kilometers. It is noteworthy that all of these were supported by an aqueduct and various water channels.

The majority of these fortresses are of the square-shape type and had barrack-type buildings that could house up to 30-36,000 Savaran (Sassanian Elite cavalry). Up to forty of these castles have been identified thus far. The Savaran of the Sassanian Gund (Army) were a highly trained and effective force, who more than made up for their small numbers with rigorous training and military effectiveness. They were able to rapidly deploy to threatened sectors of the Sassanian kingdom, and the system of castle-networks was highly integral in the basing and deployment of the Savaran. Castle-systems were in evidence in the Caucasus as well as the western frontier against the formidable Romano-Byzantines.

 Aerial view-Gorgan WallAn aerial view of a portion of the wall of Gorgan (Courtesy of Iran Review Website). The Savaran (Elite Sassanian Cavalry) units were housed in a system of fortresses that guarded nearly 200 kilometers of ancient Iran’s northeastern frontiers.

The system of castles was developed by the Sassanians into a system of fluid defense. This meant that the Gorgan Wall was not part of a purely static system of defense. The main emphasis was in a system of fluid defense-attack system. This entailed holding off potential invaders along the line and in the event of a breakthrough, the Sassanian high command would first observe the strength and direction of the invading forces. Then the elite Sassanian cavalry (the Savaran) would be deployed out of the castles closest to the invading force. The invaders would then be trapped behind Iranian lines with the Gorgan Wall to their north and the Savaran attacking at their van and flanks. It was essentially this system of defense that allowed Sassanian Persia to defeat the menacing Hun-Hephthalite invasions of the 6-7th centuries AD.

The Savaran counterattacking against invading Hun-Hephthalites in northeast Persia. The Sassanian High Command often channeled invading forces into “kill zones” and destroyed them by deploying Savaran units from castles along the Gorgan wall and other areas further east. The figure to the left is a Kushan warrior wielding the large east-Iranian straight two-edged swords. The central warrior (with armor and mail) is derived from the figure of Khosrow II and his steed Sabdiz at Tagh-e-Bostan in Kermanshah, western Iran. The right figure is a female warrior who is a local governess (Paygospanan-Banu). (Farrokh, 2005, pp.41-42, 53-54, Plate C).

As noted previously, the width of the Gorgan wall varies from 6 to 10 meters along its length. The wall’s thickness varied due to the varied geographical characteristics (climate, soil, terrain, etc.) of each region traversed by the structure.

There is little doubt that the Partho-Sassanians were endowed with a high level of engineering proficiency. As noted by a report by the Science Daily on February 26, 2008:

New discoveries unearthed at an ancient frontier wall in Iran provide compelling evidence that the Persians matched the Romans for military might and engineering prowess.


One of the views of the engineering works of the Gorgan Wall Courtesy of Yataahoo Website). . Iranian engineering skills were on par with those of Rome, China and India. Many of the structures of the Gorgan Wall have stood the test of time.

Post-Islamic Era

The city of Jorjan survived into post-Islamic times. when it acquired a high status in post-Islamic times (especially during the 9th century) but fell into decline and was obliterated by the Mongols by the 13th century. Gorgan had became a major venue for the inroads of Oghuz-Turkic tribes into Iran from the 11th century AD.

The Wall of Gorgan as depicted in a 15th century AD manuscript (Nasr, 1976, Plate 19).

The city of Astarabad (or ancient Zadrakarta) also survived into post-Islamic times. By the time of Nader Shah ( 1688-1747), a powerful defense wall had been constructed for protection against nomadic Turkmen raids. By the eve of the Qajar dynasty in the late 1700s had become a major bastion against Turkmen inroads into Iran;s northeast (along the Caspian). By late Qajar times the term “Gorgan” was used to designate the town of Astarabad. Gorgan grew rapidly into a thriving urban center during the 20th century.

Locals in modern Gorgan amuse themselves in the snow (Photo by Ebrahim Asghari).

As reported by the CHN news agency of Iran on November 14, 2006, the Great Wall of Gorgan has been nominated for UNESCO status.

Further Readings

Farrokh, K. (2005). Sassanian Elite Cavalry 224-651 AD. Oxford: Osprey Publications.

Kiani, M.Y. (1982). The Gurgan Plain. Archäologische  Mitteilungen aus Iran. Ergänzungsband 9.  Berlin. See also Gorgan IV Archaeology. Encyclopedia Iranica.

Nasr, S.H. (1976). Islamic Science: An Illustrated Study. London: World of Islam Festival Trust.

Omrani Rekavandi, H., Sauer, E., Wilkinson, T. & Nokandeh, J. (2008). The Enigma of the Red Snake: Revealing one of the World’s greatest Frontier Walls. Current World Archaeology, Number 27, February-March, pp.12-22.

Daily Mail Article: Wikipedia or “Wicked-Pedia”?


The title of the article by Jonathon Margolis of the Daily Mail on February 15th, 2009 succinctly states the danger:

Wicked-Pedia! Millions trust its every word. But Wikipedia, the error-ridden encyclopaedia, has become a dangerous tool

This quote from Margolis is also revealing:

Iranian history is now a MAJOR target by those who harbor politicaly-motivated agendae. Unfortunatley, it is also a venue for a number of historians and their students (interestingly in the Iranian Studies field) who wish to change the history and legacy of Iran. There are also powerful lobbies of pan-Turks and pan-Arabo-Islamists who often insert anti-Iranian propaganda into the Wikipedia.  Examples of these actions will be discussed below.

Wikipedia: The case of attacks against Cyrus the Great

Saam Safavi-Zadeh and Anna Djakashvili-Bloehm had also warned in the early part of 2009 of the dangers of Wikipedia being used by Eurocentrists (or neo-Orientalists) in their efforts to attack the character of Cyrus the Great and the Cyrus Cylinder.


The Cyrus Cylinder. The wikipedia has been used as a venue by Eurocentric or neo-Orientalists in an attempt at presenting the Cylinder and Cyrus the Great in a more negative light.

There is now evidence that the Spiegel and Daily Telegraph’s racist articles against Cyrus the Great last July were closely coordinated with efforts on Wikipedia against Cyrus the Great. Safavi-Zadeh and Djakashvili-Bloehm note the following in their article:

“…Note 19 in the Wikipedia article which links to:… it is very curious that the above occurred right after the Spiegel/Daily telegraph articles on July15-21.”

The link mentioned by Safavi-Zadeh and Djakashvili-Bloehm states that the entire history of the Cyrus Cylinder being associated with Human Rights is all “imperial propaganda of Shah Mohammad Reza Pahlavi.

This is exactly what the Spiegel and Daily Telegraph articles said in their aforementioned articles. There are other parallels between Wikipedia and the Spiegel-Daily Telegraph as cited by Safavi-Zadeh and Djakashvili-Bloehm in their article.

Perhaps most remarkable are the tactics that are being used by Orientalist or Eurocentrist students, professors and lay-persons against Iranian history (in this case the history of Cyrus the Great). Safavi-Zadeh and Djakashvili-Bloehm cite the following tactics:

1) Ignoring or sidelining any references or researchers that contradict them (including character assassination)

2) Using (or recruiting) as many sympathetic Wikipedia users as possible to enforce a point of view

3) Tireless repetition of particular viewpoints

The good news is that academics are now alert to the fact that Wikipedia has become unreliable, especially in topics related to the Humaities, Social Sciences, History and biographies of persons. Margolis notes that:

One, Professor Tara Brabazon of the University of Brighton, has explicitly banned first-year students from using Wikipedia  –  or Google  –  and insists on them sticking to reading lists.

Too many students don’t use their own brains enough,’ she says. ‘We need to bring back the important values of research and analysis.’

Other colleges have followed suit not only here in Britain but also in America, where the University of Pennsylvania in Philadelphia, the University of California in Los Angeles and Syracuse University in New York have all banned the use of Wikipedia as a source for material.


Wikipedia and attacks against Professor Richard Nelson Frye

The TalkPage section of the Wikipedia link for Professor Richard Frye has become a virtual battleground. This doyen of Iranian Studies has been accused of being “an Iranian secular nationalist“, a characterization which is unfair, unbalanced and misleading. This is because Professor Frye quotes Arab historian Ibn Khaldun’s observations on the mighty influence of Persian culture on Arabo-Islamic civilization (see article by Kaveh Farrokh on pan-Arabism).  

Professor Richard Frye has also witnessed incisive comments against him in Wikipedia. As noted by Safavi-Zadeh and BloehmWikipedia forums are not monitored or refereed by qualified academics on a full-time basis. Any person (objective or otherwise) can open an account in Wikipedia, enter themselves into any topic and start writing or revising that topic. ”

The frustration against such abusive tactics is duly expressed by a Wikipedia editor who often monitors the actions of revisionists against Iranian history topics and personalities:

Wikepdia is a big headache.. specially countries that do not have a history will find a perfect way to make history and will actually pay editors and organizations to support their edits …”

Examples of abuse cited by the Daily Mail

At this time any historical item and any person (living or deceased) can easily be targeted for character assasination and ridicule via Wikipedia. Note the following four examples cited by Margolis:

Former British Prime Minister Tony Blair was attacked on Wikipedia when he was falsely accused of having pictures of Adolf Hitler in his room as a teenager. The writer of this false accusation cannot be bought to account thanks to complex Wikipedia forum rules.

Sacha Baron Cohen, the famous comical character of “Borat” who was cited as the president of Kazakestan in Wikipedia.

Former US Presdient George Bush has had his entry changed 40,000 times due to false claims being continually posted against him. As noted by Safavi-Zadeh and Djakashvili-Bloehm, abusers in Wikipedia often rely on “tireless repetition” to enfore their points of view.

David Beckam has been described in Wikipedia as an 18th century Chinese goal-keeper. It is perhaps no exaggeration to state that any person can now open an account in Wikipedia and write whatever she or he wishes to write against any other topic or person.

Cartoon showing the anguish of “Gary” seeing his information distorted on Wikipedia. Margolis as well as Safavi-Zadeh and Djakashvili-Bloehm have worked hard to expose the maladaptive processes now seen in the Wikipedia venue.